Wednesday, 16 December 2009
Ashraf: A stay of execution?
Yesterday (15.12.09) Khalil Abadi, 44, stood in the December chill of London’s Whitehall, just 100 yards or so from the Ministry of Defence, not far from Downing Street and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.
It was a bleak day; the day Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki had declared that Khalil’s relatives in Iraq’s Ashraf refugee camp, along with the other 3,400 men women and children who had lived there for nearly 24 years, would be forcibly relocated to a grim former prison camp in the desert.
Khalil is one of many Iranian exiles, and British supporters, who staged a hunger strike outside the US Embassy in London’s Grosvenor Square at the end of July, in protest at the brutal assault on Ashraf by Iraqi security forces. Weak ,after more than 70 days without food, he and his companions were eventually rewarded by news that the 37 hostages taken in that attack had been released.
Yesterday the thoughts of Khalil and his companions were once again focused on Ashraf as Lord Robin Corbett (pictured) waved a statement from the Iranian Embassy - attributed to ‘The Closure Committee of the New Iraq Camp’ - and berated those politicians ‘across the road’ whose failure to act had allowed the parlous situation to develop.
Ironically the year long media ban on entering Ashraf was lifted by Baghdad just days before the scheduled eviction and an escorted tour of the closure preparations hastily arranged. A reported bomb blast near an area where reporters were gathered was quickly blamed on the PMOI (People’s Mujahedeen Organisation of Iran) to which Ashraf’s refugee resident’s belong.
Spokeswoman Laila Jazayeri, in London supporting the rally, said “It’s pathetic to try to blame the PMOI. We have wanted media to have access to the camp for months. This is just a government attempt to crudely spin publicity and frighten them away.”
In Iraq, police with loud hailers drove around Ashraf reminding residents of the deadline set by Prime Minister Al-Maliki for their removal - but PMOI representative Mehdi Farahi told Iraqi officials that residents would not leave the land they had bought and lived on for so long.
He said "Any attempt to expel us forcibly will lead to the same clashes and confrontations as those of July 28 and 29. The manner in which the Iraqi Government is acting is contrary to international law."
As Khalil and others started to assemble in London, later to be joined by Lord’s Robin Corbett and Brian Cotter, and lawyers David Vaughan and Nigel Pleming, 37 police vehicles had already entered the camp with officials from the Iraqi Committee for Closing Ashraf (CCA). Journalists and photographers were allowed in with them.
Ashraf’s residents offered no resistance and left all doors and buildings open for visits by the police, Iraqi officials and reporters.
After a meeting between CCA officials and PMOI representatives Iraqi forces took to the streets distributing pamphlets and announcing through loudspeakers that “the Iraqi Government is determined to relocate the residents of this camp to another location” and “willing individuals can refer to the police station or any one of the patrolling vehicles.”
Residents were invited to leave Ashraf and move to ‘luxury hotels in Baghdad’. According to the NCRI not one of the 3,400 residents responded to the offer and the minibuses which had come to displace them returned empty.
By mid afternoon all Iraqi forces had left Ashraf, taking with them all the journalists they had brought.
With nothing resolved, but a growing awareness that the eyes of the world are now on Ashraf both sides are uneasy. Back in London Jazayeri said: “The threat of violence is still very real as the Iraqis could attack the camp and do what they did last time at any moment. There are no guarantees, no written assurances about this. These people are all 'Protected Persons' under the terms of the Geneva Convention and all they are asking for is their basic international and humanitarian rights to be respected by the Iraqi Government. ”
In a ‘relocation’ as questionable as that which saw Germany’s Jews transported to concentration camps in WW2, Ashraf’s population of men, women and children have been told that their new home will be Neqrat al-Salman, a desolate military prison that has been compared to the notorious Abu Ghraib.
A grim fortress in the as-Salman desert region of Al-Muthanna it was used by US forces until last year. Neqrat as-Salman has housed many political prisoners over the years and thousands have died there. It is several days walk from the nearest oasis and the closest location with drinking water is approximately 90 miles away. Hellishly hot in summer it inhabits a landscape replete with snakes, scorpions and no vegetation.
Iraqi army Colonel Bassel told journalists "Camp residents have been aware since October 19 that they are to be cleared out and moved elsewhere while respecting international human rights standards. If they refuse, a high committee will decide what measures to take and we will resolve the problem in a peaceful manner," he added.
The statement from the Iraqi Prime Minister announcing the camp's closure was released on 10 December ; it said “We have taken the decision to get them (the PMOI) out of Iraq . . . and the process of their moving to Neqrat al-Salman is a step on the way of taking them out of the country.
"Their presence in Ashraf represents a danger because of their historical relations with certain political groups, notably with the remains of the former (Iraqi) regime and members of Al-Qaeda."
The United States said last week that it expected the Baghdad government to act legally and humanely when it relocates the camp residents. "The Government of Iraq has assured us that they would not deport any of these citizens to any country where they would be having a well-grounded fear of being treated inhumanely," said State Department spokesman Ian Kelly. But he did not question Iraq’s right to move the refugees.
As Tuesday’s protestors in Whitehall dispersed Khalil’s thoughts were with his relatives. Curious pedestrians attracted by flags and impassioned speeches began to drift away as the speeches ended. “What was that all about then?” a passing photographer asked me.
Laila shrugged. “People should know what is happening. Why is the UN Secretary General silent. Why are the media silent? Why is the UK Government silent?”Sir John Chilcot’s inquiry into events between 2001 and 2009, covering the decision to invade Iraq, is headline news – a retrospective scrutiny of a conflict that is already becoming part of history. Ashraf’s parlous future, and Iran’s hold over the Iraqi regime, is part of its legacy.
Sunday, 13 December 2009
Ashraf: Countdown to genocide . . .
Ten days before Christmas more than 3,000 people face eviction from their home of 20 years in what Labour peer and civil liberties champion Lord Robin Corbett has described as ‘a pact with the devil’.
The men, women and children facing forcible displacement are Iranian refugees, members of the People’s Mujahedeen Organisation of Iran (PMOI), a pro-democracy group granted safe haven under the Geneva Convention. They live in Ashraf, an isolated desert encampment 60km north of Baghdad, dependent on deliveries by road for its survival. Their forced removal comes with the endorsement of Iraqi President Nouri al-Maliki whose website publicised a 15th December ‘deadline’ for the evacuation.
While the Iraqi Government now claims that ‘agreement’ has been reached with Ashraf residents the message from those inside is that this is untrue and they are under siege. For days deliveries of meat, vegetables, medicine, fuel and hygiene products have been blocked. Food rots outside the gates. Doctors and journalists are denied access.
To some Iraq’s fixation with a refugee camp in the middle of nowhere is perplexing and dismissed as a domestic issue. But as Iran’s nuclear capability comes under increasing scrutiny and Iraq’s internal stability is shaken by bomb attacks on the capital a bigger picture becomes clearer.
During Iran’s sham elections Ayatollah Khamenei officially demanded that the Iraqi President and Prime Minister agree to expel the PMOI from their country as soon as possible.
President-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran, Mrs. Maryam Rajavi, in a message to British supporters, explained “Ashraf is the frontline bastion in defending democracy and human rights in Iran. If the regime is defeated in its bid to destroy Ashraf, it cannot contain the people’s uprising.”
Ashraf has achieved iconic status among freedom-loving Iranians, exerting an influence well beyond its geographical boundaries. Paradoxically, this was enhanced by the Iraqi assault on its inhabitants in July.
Mrs. Rajavi told British peers and MPs “The UN High Commission for Refugees, the International Committee of the Red Cross and UN Assistance Mission Iraq has warned repeatedly against forced displacement of Ashraf residents in violation of international human rights law.
“The mullahs are horrified at the rising protests. They insist on distancing Ashraf as far from the (Iranian) border as possible in order to eliminate the dedicated women and men who act as inspiration to the Iranian people’s struggle for freedom. The inhuman siege on Ashraf is the prelude to this plot.”
Speaking only hours ahead of the publicised eviction deadline Lord Corbett asked why the Iraqi president was so exercised about removal of refugees when the country’s capital, Baghdad, was being wrecked by explosions.
“Is this all President Al-Maliki has on his mind? The young, struggling democracy that people are trying to build in his country is still under threat from extremists and one finger we know is in that pie, determined to make life difficult for the new Iraq, belongs to those across the border (in Iran) who, in this pact with the devil, have demanded that whatever force is needed will be used against Camp Ashraf.”
Addressing a cross party assembly of MPs, peers and guests Lord Corbett expressed his disgust at the British Government’s inertia and lambasted Ivan Lewis, Minister of State for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, who still regards the refugees as members of a terrorist organisation.
(In fact the “terror-tag” was formerly lifted from the PMOI last year by the POAC (Proscribed Organisation Appeal Commission). The then Home Secretary Jacqui Smith’s appeal against the POAC decision was not only thrown out but branded by the Appeal Court as “capricious and speculative”).
Lord Corbett said “I wrote to Ivan Lewis at the end of last month (November), to make sure he knew about the threat to Camp Ashraf made on the 29th of October. He treated with contempt the decision of the POAC and the Court of Appeal and the Council of Ministers of the European Union . . . . The FCO hangs on to stale allegations about the PMOI that have no current relevance. And in many cases the source of the allegations cannot be confirmed.
“When Ivan Lewis wrote back to me, on December 2nd, his letter didn’t even mention the threat to use force against Ashraf in 120 hours time. I find this shaming and I have written to tell him so.”
“I said please do not waste time repeating the many undertakings Iraq has given about its responsibility in ensuring the safety and security of Iranian dissident refugees in Ashraf. Its government violently breached those in a brutal attack on defenceless residents on the 28th of July; residents who offered only passive resistance against thugs in security uniforms who attacked with chains, axes, poles and live ammunition, killing 11 and wounding 500.”
To suggestions that there was no evidence Lord Corbett said “He has had – as have others in the FCO – a DVD of those events. And the Embassy in Baghdad has had copies of the DVD because I gave it to someone in the FCO who said his colleague was going out there the next day.”
Quoting from his latest letter to Ivan Lewis at the FCO he read “We will not support Iraq dancing to Iran’s tune. The UK is part of the coalition still in Iraq and silence on the issue of proper respect for human rights and international law is no adequate response. Your silence at this looming outrage will shame our Government.”
Frustration about FCO inaction and seeming lack of interest by the British media has baffled many people including Lord Corbett. His response to FCO appeals to ‘trust Iraqi undertakings’ is scathing: “They are not worth the paper they are written on. While the (Iraqi) Minister for Human Rights is giving these assurances to our Embassy Staff, the Prime Minister is making it clear that come December 15th, whatever force is needed to remove people from Ashraf and to raze it to the ground, they are prepared to use.”
And the consequence of further non-intervention is something he is clear about.
“If this attack takes place there will be murder in the desert. The only real way to stop this massacre happening – and that’s what it’s going to be – we really must see a UN force of some kind stationed at Ashraf.
“We’ve got to do all we can to raise awareness of this so that people will know what is going on – but more importantly, so that the Iraqi Government knows that the world is watching and that if what they did in July is repeated, there’s going to be, once again, a huge question mark about why British troops, men and women, gave their lives to give a new chance for Iraq to build a society that’s free and democratic.”
The PMOI opposed both the Shah and the equally undemocratic fundamentalist clerical regime that replaced him. In the 1980s they were accused of orchestrating a bombing campaign against new Islamist leadership in which many senior officials were killed. As exiles the PMOI were welcomed by former Iraqi president, Saddam Hussein, who was at war with Iran at the time. He funded and armed the PMOI's military wing, the National Liberation Army of Iran, which fought alongside Iraqi troops.
But in 2003, following the invasion of Iraq, the PMOI disarmed and, following an investigation by the UN in which every resident was individually interrogated, the people of Ashraf were duly accorded “protected person” status under Article 4 of Geneva Convention.
A US force was tasked with overseeing this, but its protection was withdrawn in January 2009 and six months later 36 Ashraf residents were detained by the Iraqi authorities after a violent assault on the camp. The attack was captured on video that showed Iraqi police and soldiers shooting and beating camp residents with clubs and chains. The film, shot by residents using mobile phones, recorded the violence that resulted in 11 deaths and many injuries. It also showed US troops looking on passively before driving away in their humvees.
The July assault provoked a worldwide protest and, in the UK, a 72-day hunger strike outside the American Embassy in Grosvenor Square supported by the Archbishop of Canterbury and multi faith leaders from across London.
Although it resulted in release of the Ashraf hostages the victory was short-lived. Pressure to isolate the residents continued.
Members of the British Parliamentary Committee for Iran Freedom see the threatened transfer of the refugees to Murat al-Salman, near the Saudi border, as appeasement of the Iranian regime, the prelude to slaughter and the first step in exile or destruction of the group seen as a beacon of hope to dissenters in Teheran.
Former Home Secretary Baron David Waddington QC, a former Conservative MP, said “The Iranian regime continues to defy United Nations and world opinion as, hand-in-hand with the expression of dissent in the country . . . it carries on with its programme of uranium enrichment. How much longer can our government afford to tolerate this defiance which, if allowed to continue, will allow Iran and the mullah’s to become a nuclear power with weapons threatening the peace of the Middle East and far beyond?
“As to Ashraf; Britain and America have a special responsibility here and it is to restrain the Iraqi authorities from illegal action against the residents. There is no doubt that the people of Ashraf are entitled to protection under international law, as has recently been recognised by the National Court of Spain. What is clear is that if America and Britain do not act to bring home to Iraq its responsibilities under international law, they themselves risk having to accept responsibility in the court of public opinion for what may well turn out to be a terrible tragedy.”
“Already the people of Ashraf are being denied medical supplies and assistance – assistance even to those who suffered under the attack in July. Already there have been further cuts in the supplies of fuel, with tanker drivers attempting to get in being arrested and put in jail.”
Laila Jazayeri, spokeswoman for the National Council of Resistance, later issued a statement: “While the international community has been enraged by plans to forcibly displace Ashraf residents and Amnesty International has strongly denounced such an act, some international media have told the Iranian Resistance that the spokesman of the Iraqi government had told their correspondents based in Baghdad that the government had reached an agreement with the residents of Ashraf on their displacement, planned for December 15, and had obtained their consent. This claim is totally unfounded and untrue.
“It is only intended to deceive the public opinion.”
END
Thursday, 5 November 2009
Remember, remember . . . .
Photograph: Glyn Strong
The man pictured above, on the left of the crowds, is a volunteer from Veterans Aid ( http://www.veterans-aid.net/ ) a Victoria-based homelessness charity that does exactly what it says on the tin. From 6.30am he and ex-Servicemen like him have been 'tin-rattling'. Or rather, they haven't. For the most part they stand quietly, waiting for people to approach them. Nigel (above) speaks Italian and is able to satisfy the curiosity of a visitor who asks what the poppies mean. He explains patiently and simply. She is young but nods and buys one.
An older man, wearing a Veterans badge, also stops to speak. He doesn't need to buy a poppy - but pauses to acknowledge a fellow veteran. Something unspoken passes btween them. They have never met before, but for that moment they share something. A recognition.
Many people simply pass by in a blur - heading for their offices, looking for hotels or taxis, ears glued to Blackberries or blocked by earphones that plug them into private worlds.
Many of the commuters who pass Nigel will go home this evening to bonfires celebrating a failed attempt to send a message to Parliament. Nigel, who suffers from Parkinson's Disease, will go home to his 'family'. They are ex-Servicemen men like him who live in VA's Limehouse hostel.
The military mantra 'man down' is something that veterans understand.
Nigel's story, like that of every former homeless veteran, is unique. This is it:
http://www.rewritetomorrow.eu.com/reflections/personal-stories/my-unwanted-friend/
Friday, 2 October 2009
Hungry for justice - dying to tell
Dear Mr Obama . . .
Twenty hunger strikers outside the US Embassy in London’s Grosvenor Square will be joined by hundreds of supporters tonight (Saturday, 3rd October) between 6.00pm and 8.00pm. Some of those fasting have not eaten for 68 days and are seriously unwell.
Since the original 12 friends and relatives of those living in beleagured Camp Ashraf started their vigil many non-Iranians have joined them, for short or extended periods, including British barrister Margaret Owen and activist Leon Menzies Racionzer. Similar protests are taking place around the world.
Appeals by Amnesty, Reporters Without Borders, the Chartered Institute of Journalists, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Lord Carlile, Lord Cotter, Lord Clarke and many MPs and MEPs neither the British, nor the US governments have engaged with the protestors.
An open letter to Mr Obama, signed by hundreds of concerned supporters people and all hunger strikers, will be presented at the event this evening. There will also be a performance showing how the 36 hostages have been forcefully removed from prison by Iraqi security forces and taken to an unknown location in Baghdad. Many were injured in the original assault on Ashraf - all are weak. Fears are mounting that they will be tortured and deported to Iran.
On Tuesday, 29 September 2009 AFP reported: “Iraqi authorities have refused to allow 36 Iranian dissidents seized in a July raid to return to their base despite a court ruling they must be released, a judicial official said today.The members of the People's Mujahedeen, an exiled opposition group, were arrested by Iraqi police during a raid on Camp Ashraf, in Diyala province north of Baghdad, which left 11 camp residents dead. "I released them; I said that they should go back to Camp Ashraf," Judge Ali al-Timimi told AFP, referring to a decision he delivered on Sunday.
A judicial official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said Iraqi authorities had refused to release the group because they considered them having illegally infiltrated Iraq. "It ... became clear that the allegations were unfounded from the start and were meant for covering up the crimes against humanity that took place in Ashraf," People's Mujahedeen spokesman Shahriar Kia said in an e-mailed statement. Earlier this month, US Ambassador Christopher Hill vowed to press the Iraqi government, which the Mujahedeen say answers to Tehran, to live up to assurances to treat the residents humanely and make sure they are not repatriated to Iran.
The group was founded in 1965 in opposition to the shah of Iran. It has subsequently fought to oust the clerical regime which took power in the 1979 Islamic revolution. The group set up Camp Ashraf in the 1980s - when former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein was at war with Iran - as a base to operate against the Tehran government.”
Saturday, 26 September 2009
British barrister joins London hunger strike
A British barrister and activist has joined Iranian hunger strikers protesting in London about the savage attack on Iranian refugees in Iraq. Seventy seven-year-old Margaret Owen, (left) Director of Widows for Peace through Democracy, started a fast of her own two days ago when it became apparent that neither the British Government nor mainstream media were interested in the fact that 12 men and women were starving themselves to death on the steps of the US Embassy. This is a shortened version of her appeal which will appear in full on the Open Democracy site:
"I too have started a (short) hunger strike on behalf of the people of Ashraf and the Iranian hunger strikers now into their 62nd day. Answer the following questions and we will all stop.
- What is the real reason for the ominous blanket of silence in the UK media about the brutal “pogrom” at Camp Ashraf on the 28th and 29th July?
- Why has there been no reference to these atrocities, perpetrated in flagrant breach of humanitarian law, clearly orchestrated by Iran in collusion with Iraq, even when every day now the iniquities of the Teheran regime are making front page news and generating a mass of comments?
We and the US are physically still there – in Iraq –and our governments are well aware of what occurred and what may yet happen any time now in the following days. How can we wash our hands of responsibility as if, to misquote Neville Chamberlain “ this is happening in a far-away country of which we know nothing”
(Fuller accounts of the background to these events, and the statements of Amnesty International, Reporters Without Borders, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Chartered Institute of Jornalists etc appear on their respective websites)
3, 400 Iranian refugees (including 1,000 women), members of the PMOI (People’s Mujahadeen of Iran), who oppose the fundamentalist regime in Teheran, have lived in Ashraf for the last 20 years. In a desert area some 60 km north of Baghdad, they built themselves a city where equal rights, justice and democracy flourished, and where the excellent health and education services were made also available to the surrounding Iraqi population. When the US invaded Iraq in 2003, the PMOI disarmed, and, following an investigation by the UN in which every single resident was individually interrogated, the people of Ashraf were accorded “protected person” status under Geneva Convention IV.
In the meantime, PMOI members in Iran have been systematically hunted down, tortured and killed although there is ample evidence that as a body, the PMOI have renounced violence, so there are well-grounded fears that if anyone in Ashraf was forced to return, his or her fate would be sealed.
The “terror-tag” was formerly lifted from the PMOI last year, the ruling of the POAC (Proscribed Organisation Appeal Commission) confirmed by the Court of Appeal throwing out our Home Secretary's appeal against their verdict as “capricious and speculative”. But do David Miliband and Barak Obama still want to regard the PMOI as terrorists in order to “appease” Iran?
Built into the January 2009 agreement that the US would withdraw from its occupation role in Iraq and release sovereignty to the Iraqi government, was a guarantee that the Iraqis would respect the Geneva Convention and continue to protect the people of Ashraf.
Alas, in June of this year, Iraq, in a bilateral treaty with Teheran, undertook to deport the 3,400 refugees back Iran. In the meantime, the Iraqi Foreign Minister assured Teheran, “we will make their life intolerable”.
And so they did, obstructing the delivery of food and medicines into the city – so that people began to fall sick and die, and refusing to allow either relatives or journalists into Ashraf.
From the moment that the US released responsibility for Iraq, the fears of the Ashraf people grew, terrified each day of a massive Nazi-like forced deportation, although such acts would be contrary to the principle of “defoulement”, which prohibits deporting people to where they are likely to be tortured or killed.
Women who linked arms peacefully, carrying white flags, bravely attempting to protect their men, their houses, their possessions were brutally beaten. The videos from mobile phone pictures are shocking as they show the bleeding heads, and beaten bodies, the shattered houses, the horror like a sort of Kristalnacht. Worse still, the BADR seized, at random, 38 hostages, capturing them by lassoing them with ropes used to tether animals. Several of these men had been shot.
On July 28th they were taken away and kept in detention in a police station in Al-Khallas, some 30 km away from Ashraf. In spite of three rulings by the Iraqi Criminal Court in Al-Khallas – the last only last week - that the detentions are unlawful as there were no grounds for the arrest, and the men should be immediately released and returned to their homes, they remain captive, and, reports say, are on hunger strike, many with untended gunshot wounds. All this some 60 days since the day of the invasion.
It is quite clear that the US remains responsible Article 45 of the Geneva Convention IV for ensuring that these Iranian refugees remain “Protected Persons” in international law. The UK is also responsible and it is bitterly shameful that both governments have sought to shift their responsibility on to the government of the pro-Iran Shia government of Maliki.
There is now not another moment to lose. The people in Ashraf, wounded, without food or medicine, are living in terror, fearful that any day the BADR will be back and they will be thrown into the living hell of torture followed by agonising death.
But if the press will not cover events in Iraq, they should surely be reporting on what is taking place on the streets of London.
Every day, for the last 62 days since the attack on Ashraf many Iranians have been on hunger strike, rallying outside the US Embassy in Grosvenor Square, as the NRI (National Resistance of Iran) calls for the immediate release of the hostages, for the UNAMI (UN Mission in Iran) to enter Ashraf as a monitoring force, and for the US to fulfil its obligations under international law by formerly taking back responsibility for Ashraf since Iraq has broken its guarantees. As in the other 25 countries around the world where Iranian émigrés are on hunger strike, a further humanitarian tragedy is waiting to happen. The London hunger strikers are weak; several already have organ failure. A young woman had a heart attack and another is going blind and some have been hospitalised
Yet while people are risking death through voluntary starvation on a fashionable square in London’s Mayfair, our political leaders – Tory, Labour and Lib Deems – and our media remain silent. Even when distinguished lawyers have clearly set out the legal obligations of both the US and the UK governments. (By contrast the German press has been following the story in some detail)
On Thursday, the 24th September, again outside the US Embassy, a press conference was called to hear members of the Church of England Clergy adding their voices to the protests, endorsed also by a statement from Rowan Williams, the Archbishop of Canterbury. Inside the tent, prone on camp beds and covered with blankets, lay those among the hunger strikers who were still j able to make it to the press conference. But when the priest from St James Church Piccadilly asked those who were press to raise their hands, it was clear that not a single journalist had turned up.
It was at that point that I decided I would start my “short” hunger strike, hoping that by so doing others would follow suit and in this way we could persuade those already so ill to cease their strike, take food, recover and find other ways to express their protests.
I am only on to my 2nd day, taking tea and water, and hoping and praying that someone from the BBC, or from the press will think it worthwhile to write about why I am doing this, and so finally break through the conspiracy of silence and get the action now urgently needed.
Our newspapers fully covered the breaches of humanitarian law in Burma, on the streets of Teheran – even in Sri Lanka. But about this, not a word.
Born of Jewish parents, whose own parents fled “pogroms” in Eastern Europe in over a hundred years ago, I don’t need to be told what the word means. And as the Jewish Fast Day of Yom Kippur approaches on Monday, the 28th September I am hoping that Sir Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi, might join the Catholic and the Church of England Clergy in pleading with the UN and our government to take action. Is the real truth that both Barak Obama, Hillary Clinton, Gordon Brown and David Miliband still, on this issue, need to “appease” Iran for the sake of oil and the nuclear energy negotiations? Shame on them!
Margaret Owen Director Widows for Peace through Democracy
Footnote: Despite warnings by British parliamentarians such as Lord Corbett, who have kept closely in touch with the situation in Camp Ashraf, that the complete withdrawal of the US and Britain would place the residents in mortal danger, the handover to the Iraqis was allowed to proceed. Even if the occupying powers accepted Iraqi assurances in good faith, they were cynically and culpably deceived, as the tragic outcome makes only too evident.
This is a desperate human crisis. There is no time to lose. The US and British governments must now urgently implement Article 45 of the Fourth Geneva Convention to protect the Camp Ashraf residents from further violence and from eviction. They must enlist the assistance of the United Nations and in particular the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) to establish a full-time protective presence within the camp.
Pictures by Glyn Strong (c) 2009.
See also: http://www.ukprogressive.co.uk/hungry-for-justice-–-dying-to-tell/article6223.html
Thursday, 17 September 2009
When a planning application is more newsworthy than a hunger strike . .
This morning BBC Breakfast news ran an item about the US Embassy in Grosvenor Square getting planning permission for new premises. They showed a picture of the roof and the flag. They didn't mention that only feet from the steps of the Embassy 12 people were entering the 50th day of a hunger strike aimed at drawing attention to the Iraqi assault on Camp Ashraf.
It's hardly a secret - but someone made the judgement call that the planning application was more newsworthy than the hunger strike.
See: PMOI The attack on Camp Ashraf
http://www.mojahedin.org/pagesEn/detailsNews.aspx?newsid=5889
Friday, 11 September 2009
Ashraf protestors starve outside US Embassy
A few yards away from the steps of the US Embassy 12 men and women are on hunger strike. Police keep a distant eye on them, passers-by and people queueing for visas cast curious glances at the makeshift shelter that has been their home for more than six weeks. Their mute appeal is a desperate attempt to get help for their friends and relatives in the refugee enclave of Camp Ashraf.
Laila, who has been battling furiously to attract media attention to their plight told me: "The people in Ashraf are the cream of Iranian society. They are intellectuals, enlightened and secular - the antithesis of Islamic fundamentalism. Their leaders are women, they believe in equality and freedom."
Their suffering is documented in a book that makes sobering reading. It lists the thousands who have died or disappeared, picturing many of them and the tortures they endured. Some of the hunger strikers point to the names or pictures of family members. Laila's husband is one of them. This chilling book of the dead is called "Fallen for Freedom. 20,000 PMOI Martyrs".
At the end of July Iraqi security forces launched an assault on Iranian refugees under their protection in Camp Ashraf, a relatively unknown enclave situated in Diyala province, 120 km west of the Iranian border and 60 km north of the Baghdad.
Eleven were killed, 500 hundred wounded and 36 taken into custody. Since then no international journalists have been allowed access to interview eye witnesses or victims.
Fears of a second, even bloodier massacre, are mounting unless the International community intervenes.
Ashraf is a ‘safe haven’ where residents were recognised in 2004 as protected persons under the 4th Geneva Convention. They are members of the People’s Mujahedeen Organisation of Iran (PMOI), a group politically opposed to the current regime and, for their own safety, living in exile.
The camp’s uniformed attackers used live ammunition, truncheons, axes, sickles, tear gas, hot water cannons, and bulldozers against the defenceless residents. US forces allegedly stood back and filmed the carnage but no media were present. Despite protests from Journalists Without Borders no unaligned reporters have been allowed into the camp since the assault. Only Iranian TV, the Arabic channel of Al-Alam and the Press TV have been given access and all reported in favour of the Iraqi police.
Extensive video evidence of the attack was captured on mobile phones and widely posted on the internet.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xqC61sddaFs
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oJwiK5S_W1s - Iraqi police beat unarmed civilians in Camp Ashraf
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nMnPSqesQlg - Civilians shot and killed by Iraqi police in Camp Ashraf
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bPhD1wotzzQ - Iraqi police with gun aiming at people
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u1thwPuuRoQ - Head injuries in Camp Ashraf medical centre
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q1bKngVzLO8 - Seriously injured civilians in Camp Ashraf medical centre
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pVmdFDvShpc - Civilians shot by Iraqi police in Camp Ashraf http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w6DKL3-f4aQ - More attacks on Ashraf residents http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JdGH_Ic88Xc - The second half of this short clip shows Iraqi armoured vehicles trying to run over the residents
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gi_dc3rJ82c - Female residents of Ashraf attacked by Iraqi police
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=02cx4X6Lyzk
The lack of international response and paucity of media coverage sparked worldwide protest among outraged relatives of the Ashraf victims and other Iranians and in London 12 are on hunger strike. For some their fast is entering its seventh week.
They are beginning to experience acute symptoms- internal bleeding, loss of vision and multiple organ failure. One woman has suffered a heart attack. The youngest is a 19 year old girl.
In a statement issued on 11 September 2009 Amnesty International expressed its deep concern to Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki about the killings and other abuses committed by Iraqi security forces and the continuing detention without charge or trial of the 36 camp residents.
In its letter to Prime Minister al-Maliki, Amnesty International urged him to establish immediately a full and independent investigation into the methods used by Iraqi security forces when taking control of Camp Ashraf, and to make its findings public as soon as possible, The organisation urged him also to ensure that members of the security forces and other officials found responsible for using excessive force and committing serious human rights violations were immediately suspended from duty and promptly brought to justice.
The US disarmed Ashraf residents and signed an agreement with each of them to guarantee their protection until final determination of their status, but it handed over protection of Ashraf to the Iraqi government at the start of 2009.
Article 45 of the 4th Geneva Convention says “If a government fails to carry out the provisions of the Convention in any important respect, the government by which the protected persons were transferred (in this case the US) shall, upon being so notified by the protecting government, take effective measures to correct the situation or shall request the return of the protected persons. Such request must be complied with.” After the massacre in Ashraf, the US has a duty to request that Iraq hand back protection of the camp.
UN Security Council resolution 1883, adopted in August 2009, gives the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) a mandate and responsibility for the case of Ashraf.
Prominent UK lawyers have produced a legal report, supported by international colleagues, that outlines the legal requirements for UN and US intervention – as well as the criminal ramifications of the action of the Iraqi forces.
The hunger strikers demands are:
1. Iraqi police withdraw from Ashraf and release the 36 people taken hostage and allow the residents access to lawyers, doctors, journalists and their relatives.
2. US forces temporarily assume protection of Ashraf under Article 45 of the 4th GC until an international force can take over.
3. An international force takes over protection of Ashraf and the UNAMI immediately stations an international monitoring team inside the camp to prevent further attacks.
4. UN bodies reiterate clearly that the “principle of non-refoulement” forbids forced displacement of Ashraf residents within Iraq.
Monday, 7 September 2009
Freedom for one - a prison for millions
Suspended Afghan MP Malalai Joya was one of the first to react to the release of journalism student Parvez Kambaksh. She said “My first thought when I heard of his release was relief that his months of detention and pain were over.
“Karzai kept him in prison to gain the support of fundamentalists and keep them happy until the voting was over. Now, he has freed Kambaksh in a bid to present the rigged and fraudulent elections as free and fair – to throw dust in the eyes of the world and fool people into thinking that freedom of speech is not dead in Afghanistan. But this does not mean that the Afghan people enjoy democracy.
“Journalists continue to be threatened, murdered and forced to flee the country. They are constantly under pressure from the fundamentalists and cannot publish a single word against any of them. Censorship is rampant. The only newspapers allowed to be published are those that do not target foreign occupiers, fundamentalist criminals and druglords.
“I hope that while benefiting from the situation in the West, Kambaksh never forgets that Afghanistan, dominated by Northern Alliance, National Front, Taliban and Al-Qaeda terrorists, is still a huge prison for millions of his oppressed people.
“Thousands of his supporters, within and outside the country, are looking to him to continue his struggle for independence, freedom and democracy against the fundamentalists and their masters.”
Sunday, 2 August 2009
The life and death of Sitara Achakzai
http://galleries.lernerphoto.com/sitara2 <http://galleries.lernerphoto.com/sitara2>
And also on :http://theworld.org/2009/07/29/the-life-and-death-of-sitara-achekzai/ <http://www.theworld.org/2009/07/29/the-life-and-death-of-sitara-achekzai/>
Sunday, 19 July 2009
A tribute to Natasha
A courageous human rights defender and freelance journalist from Chechnya, 'Natasha' was kidnapped and murdered because, like Malalai Joya, she refused to keep silent or abandon her commitment to exposing injustice in her country.
Since 2000 and throughout the armed conflict in Chechnya, she worked for Memorial, Russia’s biggest human rights organisation. Natasha was Anna Politkovskaya's close friend and colleague. She was Anna’s most frequent companion during travel and investigations in Chechnya. They investigated a number of cases together – about which Anna wrote for “Novaya Gazeta” . Natasha wrote for Memorial’s website and for local newspapers.
Half-Russian, half-Chechen she also acted as Anna's interpreter in Chechnya and went everywhere with her. After graduation Natasha taught history in Chechen schools, then in 1991 she became one of the leaders of a teachers’ strike demanding better pay and better conditions.
During the armed conflict between the Russian Republics of Ingushetia and North Ossetia in 1992, Natasha helped bring refugees to safety and helped free hostages. During the first war in Chechnya in 1998, she collected testimonies from civilians who were tortured by the Russian forces in unofficial detention facilities, the so-called “filtration camps”. She produced a TV series and wrote articles in the Chechen newspapers about the prisoners in those camps.
Her last published article in the UK, on the abductions and abuses still going in in Chechnya under President Ramzan Kadyrov, appeared in The Independent on Friday 17 July, 2009. It was written in August 2008 but never published.
Wednesday, 8 July 2009
Saturday, 4 July 2009
Malalai Joya - Raising Her Voice.
Joya is not her real name. It was adopted in homage to another visionary Afghan activist, Sarwar Joya, who after a lifetime fighting for democracy, freedom and women’s rights, was imprisoned and later murdered for his ideals. So far Malalai has survived five assassination attempts and expects more.
At 25 she was the youngest member of the Afghan Parliament and it is a miracle that she has reached the age of 30. This year she has to decide whether to stand for re-election. If the people of Farah province wish her to, she probably will, but the suspension that denied her a salary, office, staff or official protection has only increased her contempt for the ‘mask of democracy’ that she claims is worn by the Afghan Government. Her ‘crime’ was comparing Parliament to ‘a stable or a zoo’ in which some members behaved like animals. This ‘insult’ effectively prevented her from operating as an MP for most of the parliamentary term; something of an irony given that those who publicly threw bottles at her in the chamber and threatened her with murder and rape were never disciplined.
To some Afghans she is a heroine, like the legendary Malalai of Maiwand, who rallied faltering forces to drive out the British in 1880; to others she is well meaning but ‘too radical’. To powerful enemies she is a nemesis, a Fury who refuses to be silenced about unpunished rapes, murders, acts of corruption or intimidation. To me she is a brave and most remarkable woman.When we first met, at the house of a supporter in Kabul, Malalai was accompanied by just one female companion. Unfailingly gracious she thanked us for coming to Afghanistan to hear her story and offered us tea and refreshments.
Over the days that followed I marvelled at the stamina of this tiny woman who rarely seemed to be ‘off duty’, had little sleep and virtually no personal possessions. As we got to know each other she shared her life story with me; exiled at the age of four to a refugee camp, separated by conflict from her father who was injured by a landmine, she was hungry for education from an early age. By her late teens she was back in Afghanistan, operating covertly as a teacher of girls in Herat, under the harsh regime of the Taliban.“Another thing the burqa was good for was hiding books,” she once confided, “although I always found it difficult to walk in one and my father said he could always recognise me because I waddled like a penguin!”During my first visit I tried on Malalai’s burqa. It was too short, but I instantly felt the claustrophobia she had described, the disorienting lack of peripheral vision and clamminess that accompanied being swathed in a garment of man-made fibre in a hot country.
Since losing her official status and diplomatic passport Malalai has found it difficult to travel freely in Afghanistan and out of it. But supporters worldwide have embraced her and she has been honoured in many countries including Germany, Italy, Holland and the UK. Six female Nobel Peace Laureates have called for her to be reinstated.In spite of the dangers and difficulties Malalai continued to champion the cause of abused women and girls, men as well as women who had been intimidated by warlords and child rape victims.
One of the many she introduced me to was 12-year-old Bashira who she describes in her book.“I met Bashira and her father in Kabul in the presence of British journalist Glyn Strong, who later made a short documentary about the case. Bashira was so distraught after the rape that she tried to burn herself to death. Her hands still bore the scars when I met her. Her lovely young face was creased with worry as I held her against me and listened to her agonising story.
“Everyone was weeping as she and her father described the assault and the horrors that followed. Her father said that his daughter’s rapists tried to bribe him to drop the case, and when he refused, they had him beaten so badly he spent two weeks in hospital. But despite his complaints, the authorities and the courts turned a blind eye to his plea for justice. When Glyn asked Bashira why she came to see me, she said, while crying bitterly, ‘Because she speaks the truth.’ This poor girl and her father could find no one to stand up for them.”
Malalai Joya visited England for the first time last year to receive the Anna Politkovskaya Award for human rights activity. This year, at the end of July, she is due to return, to launch the book that tells the story of her life – ‘Raising My Voice’.It is as simple and uncompromising as Malalai herself; an engaging but unembellished account of a close family displaced by war, reunited then forced apart again by danger. The world knows Malalai Joya the activist, but she is also a wife, a daughter and a sister - a young woman whose life is so different from that of her British counterparts that it defies description.She travels alone, conscious of how much capital her enemies seek to make out of every journey she takes. She is uncompromising and has told British politicians to their faces that their troops are an occupying force that has become part of the problem, not the solution.“One country cannot donate freedom to another” she regularly tells journalists.
Recent American bombardment of her own (Farah) province resulted in countless civilian casualties, something she finds difficult to speak of. Instead she urges President Obama to focus on an exit strategy rather than a troop surge: “Escalation will only create more terrorists and more hatred of the United States, while bringing only more misery and devastation to my country.” Joya says “At one time America was spending $100m a day in Afghanistan for the war; this amount will have increased, but figures have not yet been published. Total international aid for reconstruction comes to only $7m a day, the vast majority of which falls into corrupt hands, never reaching those who need it.
“Afghanistan needs real humanitarian aid and help with reconstruction. The Congressional Budget Office says that the United States will spend 2.4 trillion dollars over the next 10 years on the ‘war on terror’. If, instead, they spent this money properly and honestly, not only could Iraq and Afghanistan be made into heaven on earth but, also, world poverty could be eliminated.” To Joya, the fact that they do not is simply further evidence that US/NATO involvement is driven by regional, economic and strategic interests rather than altruistic concern for the Afghan people. “As it stands, huge sums of taxpayers’ money are being poured into a counterproductive war, while urgently needed social spending at home is neglected. I have seen the poor and the homeless on the streets of wealthy Western cities. The homeless are humans too – I do not understand how their governments can ignore their suffering. The money needed to alleviate their pain never reaches them, just like the money that has poured into Afghanistan has never reached the poor who so desperately need it.”
Malalai and I were together in 2007 when the deaths of two British troops were announced. She didn’t want them in her country but she expressed sorrow for their families. “Loss of loved ones is something we understand” she told me.
*When I started writing this piece 167 British troops had lost their lives in Afghanistan. Before I finished it a 168th had been added – the beloved son a friend who was serving with 2 RIFLES in Helmand. Even more have died since.
*RAISING MY VOICE by Malalai Joya is published by Rider on 16 July 2009, priced £11.99.
MALALAI JOYA www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/3668254/Malalai-Joya-courage-under-fire.html http://www.malalajoya.com/
GLYN STRONG http://www.glynstrong.co.uk/
BASHIRA’S STORY http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ABPSao6S_7A
Saturday, 13 June 2009
Women of Darfur
It’s hard to grasp that this group of brightly dressed ladies being served refreshments in a small VIP charter aircraft are changing the face of the largest country in Africa. But this is no mile-high tea party and these are no ordinary women. Travelling with them is a voyage of discovery that dispels myth after myth and reveals some surprising facts about political realities in Sudan.
For instance, the fact that President Omar Al Bashir, the man recently indicted for war crimes by the ICC, (International Criminal Court) and represented as a bloodstained dictator by elements of the international media, is widely loved and respected for his role in empowering women. Secretary General of the National Council for Children’s Welfare, Amira Elfadil, says “He comes from within us all. He has a military background but he is a simple man, a man of the people, with good Islamic values. He speaks from his heart.”
Not all the conference’s 250 female delegates share her unqualified admiration for the man, but most of those I speak to admit that he and his coalition party offer the best hope of achieving enduring stability and peace in Darfur. When the ICC indictment was announced, women took to the streets of the capital to protest.
For many westerners Sudan, and Darfur particularly, represents a place where life for women is as harsh as its terrain. Victims of conflict, rape and violence, they are consistently depicted as helpless and rarely considered as a political entity. Yet female activism in this country is well established. Darfur was the first region to elect a female MP, Zakia Abdul Rahaman, in 1976. The Sudanese Women’s General Union was formed more than half a century ago and one of its members reminds me that in ancient times the old kingdom was “ruled by a queen, even before the pharoahs”. It is a tradition that fills them with pride.
They are proud also that a British politician has taken up their cause - Pakistani-born Lord Ahmed of Rotherham, who became the United Kingdom’s first Muslim life peer in 1998 and took his oath on the Koran. Controversial Ahmed, who owns up to a childhood more ’chip butty than silver spoon’, has become a champion of Darfur’s women. He operates as a neutral peace-broker under the banner of British Moslem rather than party politician, but he has clearly captured the hearts of many Darfuris and is welcomed in Al Fashir.
Ahmed’s initiative means a lot to Sudan’s women who are instinctively mistrustful of any UK/US intervention in their country. Ironically the ICC charge has united them in support of President Al Bashir and convinced many of those who were ambivalent that the international media are either too lazy to come and see for themselves how things are in Sudan, or already committed to an agenda.
Ahead of the main event Ahmed is a guest at the Sudanese Women’s Activity Centre in Khartoum, a city at the confluence of the Blue and White Nile and tipped by some to be the next Dubai.
The Centre was funded entirely by women, for women, and features a conference centre with simultaneous translation facilities, meeting rooms, and guest accommodation. Government Minister Theresa Siricio Iro speaks eloquently about the role conflict has played in the empowerment of Sudan’s women and adds: “There must be positive discrimination. We thank our government for listening to our problems. In the coming elections there will be a quota of 25 per cent for women, but we can get even more. ”
The conference in Al Fashir is a big deal for Darfur and the first of its kind. The delegates from Khartoum deplane to a reception worthy of royalty. Blinking into sunlight it takes several seconds for the images before us to resolve into what is clearly a huge welcoming crowd of women. Warm, friendly they sweep us along on a wave of excitement for refreshments and a brief meeting with the Wali (Governor). It’s the start of a surreal experience that deconstructs much of what is written about Sudan.
In Al Fashir it takes in two days of impassioned debate, a visit to IDP camp Abu Shouk, an interview with President Al Bashir and the man who tried to tell Chatham House about the real issues facing Sudan, Dr Ghazi Atabani. Atabani is leader of the majority National Congress Party; an urbane polymath he is adviser to the President and active in strategic studies and leadership training.
In August it will be 10 years since the US bombed the Al Shifa pharmaceuticals factory in Khartoum alleging intelligence that it was making weapons for Osama Bin Laden. This was soon disproved and the bombing seen as an act of malice and aggression by appalled Sudanese. The destruction created mass unemployment.
Atabani said at the time: “Workers, who a few hours before the incident had been happy and treasured hopes in this world, became jobless, with thousands of their dependants affected. Sudan as a whole, the sick, the poor, humans and animals, lost a precious source of medicine. It was a factory which was making available 50 to 100 per cent of various types of medicine for Sudanese citizens, and at affordable prices for the poor. In just a second this hope was shattered and the factory turned into a miserable scene of destruction and ruin.”
Today he is equally articulate about the ICC’s indictment and recent outcry about expulsion of 13 NGOs. “From our perspective it is an instrument of Western subjugation. Our culture is one where reconciliation is the rule and that is the spirit of what we are trying to achieve in Darfur. The ICC is seen as an organisation that is vindictive and retributive. That is alien to Africans.”
He points out that while more than 60 per cent of UN Security Council business concerns Africa, there are no permanent African representatives on the Council and Africa has no veto: ICC judgements are “ handed down as punishments” to countries unwilling to toe the US line, regardless of wider risks to ongoing peace and security processes.
The fact that Articles 13 and 16 give the UN Security Council freedom to step in and suspend proceedings that it does not approve of makes a mockery of its impartiality according to Atabani who wryly offers the Orwellian wisdom that while all animals are equal, some are ‘more equal than others’.
Dismissive though he is of the ICC ruling he is clearly frustrated by its effect on the ongoing peace process. “Why should the rebels sit down and negotiate with the Government when they can just wait for the ICC to do their job for them. Some rebel factions will use it as an excuse not to come to the peace talks.”
President Al Bashir acknowledges that there are big security problems in Darfur. “They started with the insurgency against the Government. We gave priority to finding a peaceful settlement and only after exhausting all possibilities did we decide that there was no option to military action.
“Wherever there is conflict civilians want to flee and look for secure places . . . in Darfur these citizens moved from conflict areas to Government controlled areas. The Government has a duty and responsibility to look after its people, provide them with shelter, food, water and basic services. The fact that it does this surely belies allegations that the Government practices ethnic cleansing, rape or genocide?”
An officially sponsored summary of what the government has achieved in Darfur includes “prosecuting suspected individuals from regular forces who committed violations against human rights”. Some were jailed; others, allegedly, sentenced to death.
In Abu Shouk many people are unsure who drove them out of their homes; some are past caring and simply accept that the camp offers a degree of safety. Some rebels have sought refuge in, or infiltrated the camps but security there is generally good and in 2007 there were only four murders.
Kaltoum Hamid is 45. She and her seven children have lived in Abu Shouk for six years. A four sqm sprawl it once housed more than 50,000 displaced persons. That number has reduced to just around 38,000. The camp has 17 schools, clinics and commercial activity based around a market, furniture manufacture and variety of cottage industries.
Kaltoum sells vegetables to survive and supplement the aid that is distributed. Driven out of her home in Korma she says it would be ‘too humiliating’ to go back. The family’s home was burned; her husband is now in Khartoum. Who drove them out ? She shrugs, looks around. “They wore military uniforms. Maybe Government troops? Janjaweed?”
It’s not a conversation she wants to have.
Elsewhere I meet Matar Mohammad and his family of 14.They live in a house with just two rooms. They came to the camp in 2004 from their home in Taweela. We had a good life,” he tells me. “I was a farmer growing tobacco, sorghum – now we depend on relief.”
He’s a proud man whose wife and children make us welcome, but sceptical about the prospect of speedy return. Security is the main problem. It’s a political game. Even the Janjaweed can’t control what happens in war.”
Matar lost relatives in the fighting and he’s unforgiving about Government failures. Although not a fan of Al Bashir he concedes that, with compensation, reconciliation could be possible, but only if security is assured.
Boundaries between the camp and Al Fashir are fluid; the refugees are not captives. Just a short drive away the women are starting the second day of their conference. Each has a personal issue; some burn with such passion to use this unique platform that they tussle over the microphone. Some have travelled for hundreds of miles to be there and they intend to be heard. They may speak from their hearts, but their presentations are underpinned by research and have academic rigour.
These are ardent, politicised women, fluently articulating concerns about violence, rape, education, healthcare, media manipulation and increased profile for women in the political process. They may not all see eye to eye, but unlike the region’s men they are willing to set aside their differences to pursue the greater goal of peace.
Any thoughts I had that this might have been an exercise in window dressing are rapidly dispelled as first the Wali of North Darfur, Osman Kibit, then later the President acknowledge their relevance and power. Kibit told them: “The Holy Koran says that a man who honours women is an honourable man. The women of Darfur have a special role - they are our nurturers, mothers, wives, sisters, providers of food and clothing, agricultural pioneers, carers of animals. Our women are influential through their poetry and their understanding; their energy can be a strong positive force if harnessed. God created this land for these beautiful creatures – but sadly they are also targets and violations happen in war.
“We need to tackle the issues with neutrality and comprehensively - not just in terms of the IDP camps but the whole community of Darfur. The eyes of the world are on Darfur; the decisions made here by Sudanese women can have far-reaching effects. The challenge is to harmonise local efforts with those at national level.”
Community Development Association delegate Saffa Adam echoed this: “We have good laws but we need women to put them to good order and use politics as a tool to rebuild our communities. Sudan has no real future until Darfur’s issues are resolved.”
Amira Elfadil is a lifelong supporter of Al Bashir. An attractive, 42-year-old mother of four from central Sudan she is well-travelled and educated. She first visited Darfur 10 years ago and has an outsider’s perspective on developments there. “It’s better in many ways – not in others. Just a year ago it was impossible to enter the camp (Abu Shouk). It was just five minutes from the airport, but ruled by factions. Now that has all changed.”
Like many Elfadil believes that the constant conflict and insecurity has also changed Darfur’s people. “Before the wars they were different; dignified, hard working, traders, builders and farmers. But events have changed the fabric of society here; people sit in the camps doing nothing; their children either leave to beg or join the rebels. Or they just sit and wait.”
No-one understands better than women how important children are to Darfur’s future. Elfadil says “In a post-conflict society many fathers are either dead or have fled; 30 per cent of households are headed by women. Many children drop out of school, get caught up in street violence or recruited by rebels. Then they are taken over the border to places like Chad and trained as soldiers.
“One rebel gang fighting the Government started the conflict; now, according to the UN, there are at least 16 factions and it is no longer a local issue but a global one. ”
In response to this Darfur’s peace hungry women want action and are bullish about driving it from community to capital. It’s easy to forget that they are subject to the same Sharia Law that is used to subjugate their sisters in Afghanistan. Amira, whose first degree is in sociology, has a theory.
“We are different because we are African/Arabs and when Islam came here in the 13th century it came through trade, not war. When I go to places like Saudi Arabia I thank God that I’m Sudanese. "
Women are represented in most professions, including the police force. The Wali has a female advisor, the state has a female high court judge, the government has appointed women prosecutors in the IDP camps to trace violations of women’s’ rights and investigate cases of violence. “Men are preferred when it comes to promotion, but no jobs are restricted,” says Amira.
Is the support of one foreign male significant I wonder, as the conversation turns to Lord Ahmed’s British Moslems’ initiative and presence at the Women’s Conference. Surprisingly her answer is an emphatic “Yes”.
“Last time he came people were surprised. There were reports on TV and it had a big impact. I don’t think he’s naive. His support won’t solve our problems, but it really counts.”
International media reportage is a big issue and the conference delegates make much of how the Darfur issue has been ‘spun’ to seduce celebrities, charities and play into the hands of groups with their own agenda. This latter claim is made again by President Al Bashir when we meet in Khartoum.
Nimaat Bilal, author of a conference paper on information handling, is as scathing about the double standards of the Western media as Al Bashir and Atabani are about the ICC’s targeting of African indictees. She says “The West moves in accordance to (sic) specific strategies in which the information battle is the first step to achieve its goals and ends. The information media are used to prepare the community to accept political decisions and be ready for military intervention as necessary.” A technique familiar to all who recall the hysterical headlines about Saddam’s WMD capability.
Bilal goes further, claiming that within their own territories, Western media are committed to the principles of responsible journalism like ‘fact, depth, balance and fairness’. When dealing with the Third World, however, these principles are sacrificed on the altars of paranoia, Islamaphobia, political expediency and reluctance to look further than the well-rehearsed views of others. Western media ignore these principles and work according to their own purposes and desires.”
Some heavyweight issues get an airing at this landmark summit; outside the conference room another celebration is in place – a traditional circumcision ceremony for young boys celebrating the rite of passage from childhood to manhood. By evening the two events have converged and raised index fingers are waved to the peace chant of ‘Salaam, Salaam, Salaam Darfur’.
As the women prepare to leave for their flights to other countries or various parts of Sudan I wonder whether anything will change as a result of this event.
As euphoria gives way to practicality we are reminded that this is a country with a coalition government, serious domestic problems and an election scheduled for 2010. The peace of the Wali’s compound is, perhaps, illusory. Can the women really make a difference?
Flying back to Khartoum I sit with one of the most respected delegates, Rajaa Hassan Khalifa, Secretary General of the Sudan Women’s General Union. Re-elected twice, not even her huge popularity can get her a third term at the helm of this 3 million-strong organisation with its 27,000 branches throughout Sudan.
As pressure groups for women’s’ rights go, WGU is monolithic, networking between NGOs on health, education, economics, peace and awareness raising. Rajaa is in no doubt that what the union has achieved in all these areas is considerable . “But we want the world to know about the women of Sudan and their work in Darfur. We are glad that people like Lord Ahmed come because we know that others care and want to help and that is good for morale.”
On my way back to London I travel in the company of another impressive Sudanese woman; Amna Akeelo, a mother of seven now living in Loughborough. Born in Ed Da'ein, in North Darfur, she has been married to an Englishman since 1984, but visits her extended family in Sudan regularly. Amna’s conversation revolves around a more domestic perspective of what’s needed such as facilities to help the disabled, and those suffering from depression.
“My family have not ever been refugees but many have had to relocate for economic reasons due to the recent history of Darfur. It is true to say we have all shared in the suffering of our Darfur brothers and sisters. They feel more secure now but so many people need help with things like aids to study and work.”
Amna is happy in Loughborough but Darfur is where her heart is and she speaks poignantly about childhood evenings enjoying the peace by firelight. A woman of many talents she has recently opened a shop in Loughborough offering products from Darfur and services based on skills she learned there.
“When I was young we sat under the trees and learned many skills like hair braiding and hand painting with henna. In the shop we also do these things and sell home-made perfume, sandalwood, dilka, Sudanese products and abayahs.”
The shop is very much a family affair and Amna’s eldest daughter Zara, 23, is heavily involved in it.
Amna may have been a long time away from home, but listening to her describe the entrepreneurial skills that she is developing to help her family and her people I realise that I have met yet another phenomenal Sudanese woman!
ENDS
NOTE: The conference on Challenges Facing Women in Darfur was organised by the Sudanese Women’s General Union & International University of Sudan in co-operation with the British Moslems Commission. It was held in Al Fashir, the capital of North Darfur, May 23-25,2009.
Bourj al Bourajneh: Whatever happened to Pauline's people?
Two decades ago Cutting was thrust into the limelight by bloody conflict when she brought the siege of Lebanon’s Bourj al Bourajneh refugee camp to a disbelieving world. Through a makeshift radio/telephone link, set up by one of her medical colleagues, she broke the news of how the camp’s inhabitants were being systematically starved to death. Before the impact of her words had sunk in, images followed. A few photographers and journalists had got into the camp and seen the refugees’ plight for themselves. The situation was desperate. Cutting and her colleagues were eating dogs to survive.
As a volunteer surgeon she was part of a small medical team trapped in the camp and under siege by the Amal militia. Like 80 per cent of those in Gaza today, its inhabitants were dispossessed Palestinians.
As a volunteer with MAP (Medical Aid for Palestine) Cutting spent 18 months in Lebanon, performing emergency surgery in makeshift operating theatres, treating sick and wounded men, women and children.
Against a background of bombardment and sniper fire she and her medical comrades worked tirelessly, as supplies of food and drugs dwindled away. Cutting got head lice, lost so much body weight that she was often faint and watched mothers feed their starving children with grass.
As conditions deteriorated Cutting famously said: “We will stay with the people of the camp until the danger is over. We will remain with them – to live or die with them.”
Others just starved. A (Time) magazine report on 23 February 1987 described Bourj as being “on the brink of cannibalism”. Residents had already resorted to eating rats. A Sunni cleric sought clarification on whether it would be permissible to eat human flesh if it became necessary for survival. Eventually the siege was lifted and Pauline Cutting came home.
The journey that took me to North Wales and then Beirut - where many Palestinians still speak with warmth of ‘Dr Pauline’ - was prompted by the aftermath of Operation Cast Lead , the Israeli Defence Force’s three week assault on Gaza , ostensibly to stop Hamas firing rockets into Israel and prevent it from re-arming. It began on 27 December and ended 22 days later.
During this onslaught too, hospitals and medical volunteers came under fire; once again civilians were killed and maimed. Journalists and outraged NGO workers protested, bloggers and social networkers went into print with frenzy. But, paradoxically, it was probably the BBC’s decision not to screen a Disaster Emergency Committee aid appeal that brought the scale of the casualties to mass public attention in the UK. Briefly, thoughts of recession were put aside as Briton’s dug into their pockets to help Gaza’s victims.
At a MAP event in London, to mark the launch of The Lancet’s damning report on Palestinian Health in Gaza and the West Bank, Dr Swee Chai Ang projected a series of images that made her audience wince – the head of a decapitated child, lying in rubble like a grotesque football; a torso, so crudely stripped of limbs by an explosive device that it resembled raw meat; children with skin burned and seared by white phosphorous.
The real cause of this latest humanitarian tragedy pre-dates Cutting’s birth. It is a legacy of the 1948 Palestine War that resulted in establishment of the State of Israel. Celebrated by Jews worldwide the creation of this ‘homeland’ had another, less happy, outcome – the exodus of an estimated 700,000 Palestinians. Some fled voluntarily, intending to return as soon as the fighting ended; others were forcibly expelled. There are conflicting and contested accounts of how many left and why, but they are all deeply disturbing.
UN Resolution 194, passed in 1948, states that Palestinians have a right to return to their homes if they are willing to live in peace with their neighbours. Palestinian refugees want it implemented. Israel is resistant, seeing the possible return of millions of refugees as a threat to its existence. If Israel’s hope was that that the problem would go away as first generation exiles died, or the Palestinians become absorbed into their host countries, it was a vain one.
The Palestinian diaspora extends to Syria, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the West Bank. Sixty years after the event that created them their numbers have grown to over four million; at least 400,000 are in Lebanon – 10 percent of the population - and above 20,000 (officially the population of a large town in the UK) still in Bourj al Bourajneh.
Palestinians refer to their exile as the Nakbah (‘catastrophe’) – an event highlighted in the controversial drama ‘Go to Gaza, Drink the sea’ and Scottish artist Jane Frere’s powerful and haunting exhibition ‘Return of the Soul’. Both claim to be neutral statements about how things are; both have been attacked for being anti-Semitic. It is a subject that polarises opinion dramatically. Even Cutting and Alofs, in a clearly often exercised debate about forgiveness and war crimes, don’t always see eye to eye.
Palestinian children born during the camp siege that Cutting survived are still confined to the square kilometre that contains Bourj al Bourajneh. This foetid shanty town exists within, but apart from, the bustling cosmopolitan city of Beirut; its walls are not physical, but they are very real. They cut Lebanon’s Palestinian refugees off from 80 per cent of the country’s jobs, the freedom to travel, buy property and vote.
In effect, the camp is an open prison. It’s here that I meet another remarkable woman, Olfat Mahmoud from WHO (the Women’s Humanitarian Organisation). An activist, scholar, and vehement fighter for the Palestinians’ Right to Return to be recognised, she was born in Bourj al Bourajneh in 1960 and once worked alongside Pauline Cutting. Apart from overseas work and study trips, she never left.
“In the ‘60s, even as Palestinians we needed a pass to go from one camp to another, there were formal entry points and walls. Now we just have psychological walls. Today there are no checkpoints, but people feel safer inside the camps so they isolate themselves. In summer many Palestinians come here to Bourj al Burajneh, to visit their relatives. Instead of spending money on hotels they stay with their families and buy them TVs and fridges. People do watch the news, particularly during catastrophes, but in real terms, they have no idea what is going on outside, especially with women’s issues; they are not socially or politically aware.”
Smartly dressed and articulate, Mahmoud is not typical of the camp’s women. Through WHO, and in partnership with Lebanese charities like Al Jana (the Arab Resource Center for Popular Arts), her mission is to empower them. I meet her fresh from a meeting with the city’s mayor, in the ‘home’ she grew up in as an ‘exile’.
She’s a busy woman, but she’s also keen to talk about issues that are close to her heart . She’s unapologetic about her views – on Islam, Israel, the Nakbah, and on the plight of the refugee community’s women who suffer unique deprivations.
Mahmoud, who’s studying for a PhD, has just authored a paper[1] on the subject. It examines conditions and coping strategies and makes sobering reading. It is based on Bourj al Bourajneh but has application for all 12 of Lebanon’s camps. The country has the highest percentage of Palestine refugees classified as living in abject poverty and who are registered with the UNRWA’s special hardship programme.
Unlike other refugee populations, the Palestinians do not benefit from the protections and guarantees afforded by the 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees. Doubly damned they are anomalies even within the refugee population. UNRWA says: “They do not have social and civil rights, and have very limited access to the government's public health or educational facilities and no access to public social services. The majority rely entirely on UNRWA. Considered as foreigners, Palestine refugees are prohibited by law from working in more than 70 trades and professions. This has led to a very high rate of unemployment amongst the refugee population.”
The WHO workers have to contend with the legacies of tradition, culture and religion and need to tread carefully when dealing with all three.
“Women can put any conditions they want, but usually they (the sheiks) don’t ask and women don’t know that they have that right. They can say ‘If we get divorced I want my children to be with me’. If the man disagrees then they know where they stand, and can refuse to get married. It is a proper contract, but not widely known about because everything is controlled by men.
“Then some women do know but are afraid or ashamed to ask because they think people will say ‘Even before marriage you think of divorce? What does this mean!’ So they dare not. We try to raise awareness of this. We say ’It is not shame; you need to protect yourself. It is your right.
The sheik here supports this, and he and a female charity worker run a workshop one and a half hours every week to explain these things.”
But with generations occupying the same households, and tradition being a part of the glue that holds them together, change does not come quickly.
Mahmoud is tackling issues that are challenging anywhere; in the closed world of a refugee camp they are intensified both by social problems and by the fact that anything to do with Palestinians seems to cause discomfort in the international community. She confronts both. “We want to reassure the organisations who fear what we do; we are not against Islam, only those people who try to use it. Islam is now always associated with terrorism and, I am being honest with you now, some NGOs are frightened about their future so they start to avoid touching on any Islamic point – but this is wrong. I say by doing this maybe you please western supporters, but you are losing your local community.”
Mahmoud is a true child of the camps, but she is also a rare and strong individual; rooted in Palestinian history she is, by dint of curiosity, hard work and determination, a powerful force for change. “My grandmother died in 2004 and she was 95 years old. Whatever I did she compared it to her life in Palestine, even after56 years. Every time I had a baby she would come and tell me about how she had her children in Palestine, never about her children born here; it’s as if her life here did not count, was not real. I inherited this house from her. It is the biggest house in the camp, but always she would complain and say ‘I used to have a big house, why am I in this sardine tin?’ Her generation were in this frozen state.
“My father was 12 and my mother around 10 when they left: every night we sat around the heater and they would tell us about Palestine - blindly I can describe my village; I have never been there but I can! Really they tell you every detail so always you have this spiritual link. My generation, we learned to fight – not with weapons, but against obstacles.
“The generation born during the civil war in Lebanon were just busy trying to survive. I too was born in a camp but I felt safe – my parents were so calm and they spent time with me. I compare it with nowadays and it’s not the same. Even in spite of the bombing and everything we felt protected. This generation just want to flee, to migrate, to get out.”
Like Cutting, Alofs and all medical staff who work selflessly through the dangers of war and conflict Mahmoud is dismissive of her own bravery but proud of her small triumphs. “I remember once many children had been injured. One girl had lost all her brothers and sisters. She was bleeding badly and urgently needed an operation. Her blood was AB negative, which is rare and we had none and there was heavy bombing . I said ‘Give me an ambulance and blood kit and I will get you blood’ and I went to all the military bases because that is where to find people. I tested all their blood and it was no, no, no - but by midnight I had been successful and managed to bring blood.
“This was in 1981, I was still a student, not even a qualified nurse. But I always believed in fate: if something will happen, it will happen - and that’s a strategy for coping.”
Years later, in July 2006, when Mahmoud was married with four children, she sat at her home near Beirut’s Arab University listening to bombing once again. Her heart was in the Bourj Al Barajneh refugee camp because it has surrounded by a bombardment areas in the southern suburb of Beirut.
“My husband is a director and Cinema photography – he was filming in Syria. I said to my children ‘ I can’t stay at home , I have to get to the camp. You know, people in the camp refused to leave their homes. They said: "we have been refugee once and we don't want to repeat it. Also where to go!" They witnessed 33 days of war - day by day - just ‘next door’. I told my children ‘You stay at home and look after each other, if something goes wrong you go the neighbours’.
“ The airport road was empty apart from my car – I was the only one who was driving on it. It felt so strange. When I got to the camp we tried to organise things. I came every day for a whole month even Sundays.”
Before becoming a community worker Mahmoud qualified as a nurse and clinical trainer, studying in the UK , and Australia, but her returns to Lebanon always seemed to coincide with some kind of conflict. She laughs: “My friends used to say ‘When you travel, let us know please, so we can prepare for an emergency ’ . ”
Mahmoud got back to Lebanon from London in time for the February uprising in 1984 and from Australia for the first camp war. She had previously been working in the Palestinian Red Cross maternity hospital in Sabra camp and initially planned to stay there with a friend on her return. Luckily, because she had to rise early for work, she didn’t. The hospital was destroyed that night.
“It was 6.30, the first day of Ramadan,” she recalls. “My brother, who likes to sleep, was already up, so I asked him what was wrong.”
He told her that two bombs had fallen overnight in Bourj camp but Gaza hospital was damaged. Mahmoud said: “Just Last night I was in Gaza Hospital - Ramallah was Sabra’s maternity hospital, Gaza dealt with surgical cases but both of them are connected and known as Gaza hospital - this can’t be. He said ‘Believe me, everything is a mess, do not go and its not working anymore’.”
They put the radio on to hear reports of more bombing and heavy fighting. ”My mother of course went to the bakery for bread; this is the first thing women do, shop for war!”
For two more hours the family listened to confused reports of escalating violence until her second brother came home. “Why are you not at the hospital’’ he asked her. He didn’t mean the one in Sabra though. Haifa hospital in Bourj al Borajneh, where Mahmoud had been born and where later Pauline Cutting was to work, was full of casualties.
Mahmoud pauses. “He took me there and – oh my God – that is why I later quit nursing. It was dreadful.
“At that time, in 1985, it was not a hospital, just a polyclinic. It had a small first aid room for home accidents and a ward for disabled people. No staff nurse, and just one, young, Palestinian doctor who had qualified in Bulgaria. I felt very sorry for that doctor.” She found casualties piled up - the dead, the dying and those with only minor wounds mixed up together. It was a scene that recalled to her student images of Florence Nightingale, passing through the grim wards of Scutari with her lamp.
Pragmatic as ever, Mahmoud began to organise a triage assessment to prioritise the injuries. The clinic was pitifully ill-equipped to deal with the scale of the carnage. For a month she did “what nurses did not do”- removing bullets and shrapnel, debriding wounds and dealing with gangrene. The body count rose to 17 but there was no morgue . “It was the beginning of summer and getting hot. All we could do to help with the smell was to cover the bodies with lime.”
The Red Cross were allowed to enter just once. In desperation young people from the camp were trained to do simple first aid – prepare drips so that when there was heavy bombing the team was as ready as it could be. Eventually the bodies were buried together, around a memorial statue dedicated, ironically, to the Unknown Soldier.
Mahmoud’s memories of this day are accompanied by the muezzin’s call to prayer that echoes over the rooftops of Beirut. It adds to the poignancy of a recollection that still affects her profoundly.
This first camp war – and the intense period from May to June 1985 – predated significant MAP involvement or Pauline Cutting’s arrival. “There were no doctors during that war “says Mahmoud. “ I remember, one guy was injured in his back, so badly you could see the nerve ends. It was such a painful and sensitive wound. I said, ‘we can’t touch him, just change the dressing’. He had to lie on the floor because there were no beds. ”
Eventually Walid, a staff nurse, joined the team which made a huge difference. They performed surgical procedures and dealt with femoral artery bleeding so successfully that doctors from Beirut later asked how they had managed to control it for seven days.
I too am intrigued! Mahmoud laughs. “I used pressure, fear – and ice! And it worked. Sometimes the blood spurted right up to the ceiling, but many of the people we saved are still alive, running around here, in this camp. One man is now in Sweden or Denmark I think - he was injured here (the groin) and all he kept asking was whether his (peals of laughter!) you know, was still working! That is a man. I said ‘you ask this silly question when you may die!’. But it was a bad time.”
“My generation were survivors. Today’s generation see themselves as victims, never knowing what is happening from day to day. And this is a big problem."
But what do they want to survive as, I ask her; as Lebanese citizens? “No, no. I always say this: Lebanon is my second homeland. I was born here but I always look at it as my second home. The right to return is ours whether we exercise it and live in Palestine or not. We should be able to visit it; to have no other nationality, but Palestinian. And the first step is recognition. We know it is a process which means it will take time. It’s not a miracle that will happen within 24 hours, but you can’t ask someone to suffer while you are solving their problem.”
In the short term she believes that the refugees in Lebanon should be given the right to be in the country legally and be given Palestinian passports until details of the right to return are worked out. “At least they should give us this. After 61 years it brings great shame on the world not to have solved the problem.”
Bourj al Bourajneh camp has grown since Cutting and Alofs’ time; not outward, but upward, with rooms tacked on to already unsafe structures. When the refugees first arrived they lived in tents, expecting to leave at any time. Later when houses were built they were still seen as temporary structures; flimsy and cold in winter their thin walls soon displayed cracks and the tracks of running water.
On the roof of Mahmoud’s old home women are now being given the chance to do aerobics. “But first we need to put up screens,” she explains, “because they can be seen from everywhere at the moment.”
Physical exercise is difficult in a cramped warren with no space and little sunlight, in a culture where modesty is important. Inertia, frustration and chronic health problems perpetuate depression, feeding the edgy disaffection that permeates the camp. Another problem is the cycle of domestic violence that occurs.
WHO Youth Co-ordinator Zeina Salhani who works with Mahmoud says “We have to tell the children that a ruler is for making lines, not for hitting – and sometimes we have to tell the teachers also.”
Leaving the camp is like crossing an invisible line. Unlike the brick footprint that describes where the Berlin Wall used to run, Bourj’s boundaries are intangible. Within feet of its perimeter traffic flows, normal life goes on. Travelling by car to meet another former colleague of Pauline Cutting it is hard not to reflect on the irony of how impenetrable invisible boundaries can be.
Dr Mohammad Osman, is Secretary General of the Palestine Red Crescent Society, part of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies. The Federation is the world's largest humanitarian organization and its millions of volunteers are active in 185 countries.
Osman is based at Akka Hospital and, like Mahmoud, does not live in a refugee camp. His memories of the camp wars, between 1985-87, are vivid. “Sometimes we got permission to visit the hospitals – and this is how I met Dr Pauline, at the beginning of the war. I met her in Haifa hospital. Later on we became very good friends. We appreciated her and were also proud of her because she remained with us during very dangerous and difficult times, through the shelling of the camp, when there was no food.
“Through her and Ben, who was then a nurse and later became her husband, they made many appeals and through them we got support – medical supplies, medicine and sometimes equipment. During the cease fire we managed to get a generator for the hospital, but the most important thing was the moral support.
Images of events in Gaza were brought to world attention by technology that didn’t exist in the 1980s and without a fragile radio link the outcome of the camp wars could have been even worse as Osman recalls.
“Dr Pauline helped us through the media, by talking on the radio. At that time I was in the Red Cross HQ, where the media were camped – we couldn’t get to her but I talked to her by radio. There were many journalists here and when she talked they believed her – more than us! We had already said that people in the camps were eating grass and rats, but when she said it they believed her.
”The radio was the only way to contact our hospitals inside the camps – Bourj al Bourajneh and Shatilah where Dr Christoferou was. It was his suggestion. We spoke daily about the numbers of casualties, what was needed, all that was going on inside the camp, through this radio.” It was the radio that was to connect Cutting to her parents and then the outside world. “I still have it now!” says Osman.”Not to use – just as a memory.”
The significance of that lifeline for those trapped in the camp is something Osman will never forget. “At that time in all Lebanon there were no rules, nothing. It was chaos” he recalls.
After the camp wars ended he fell in love and, like Cutting and Alofs, married. The friendship forged in desperate time endured. “ Twice Pauline visited me – once with Ben, then with the children. We have photos together, their family and my family.
“After the camp wars we reconstructed our hospitals, field hospitals and primary care centres. Now we have five hospitals distributed around all Lebanon, and nine health centres, all for Palestinians – some inside the camps, some outside. Now we can concentrate on teaching the staff because, you know, during the war we just had to focus on the wounded people.
“Salaries are funded by the Palestine Liberation Organisation; others by NGOs and national societies, like MAP UK. And I must tell you, Dr Swee, from MAP, she was a hero. She drove our ambulance and met Pauline inside the camp. She is a great woman and I respect her like Pauline Cutting; she is fantastic, tiny but strong, very strong.”
Osman concedes that things have got better, despite the psychological problems and depression that afflicts many of the refugees. “Obviously it is much healthier and safer than it was during that time. The hospital has improved a lot, socially life got better, people were able to leave and repair their homes which were destroyed during the camp war. But in general the life of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon is miserable. “I always say to foreign visitors and journalists, there is a big difference, between what you see on the TV what you see with your eyes on the ground. When you see the truth you can express it more.”
“The Palestinian refugees here in Lebanon are deprived of all kinds of rights, human rights, civil rights, but inside the camp they work. And we are very proud of our women, they have sacrificed a lot and keep Palestine in the minds of our children and protect our heritage.”
Can they qualify as doctors? He smiles ruefully: “Of course – if they have money! For example I qualified as a doctor in Moscow.” Like Mahmoud he won a scholarship, something that is now very difficult.
“I was born in Lebanon. I studied in UNRWA schools, but like all Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon we came from Palestine, from the area surrounding the city of Safad.”
Osman is a serious man who chooses his words carefully: “ I’m sure Palestinians will return, maybe not in our lifetime, but one day it is coming, the chance to go back to our homeland. Our village now is destroyed, but they did not build anything there. My father had land and I am not ready to give it to the Zionists. We are not against the Jews. Jews are people like us, but we are against the Zionistic movement.”
Each Palestinian’s experience of exile is different; but when we discuss Gaza all reactions are the same. Osman is quiet. After a deep breath he says “ There are no words to describe it . . . it is unbelievable. Killing the children it is . . . barbaric. Children, women, destroyed in cold blood; what is this! There is no justice in this world.
“The conscience of the British people should go back 60 years . No – more; to the Balfour Declaration in 1917. But let me tell you, when they came to make the documentary about Pauline (reference), on their last day I invited them for lunch. There was a – cameraman. I said ‘Your government is responsible for our Nakbah’ and he said ‘I am sorry Dr Osman. We are here to repair the wrongs of our grandfathers’ and I said ‘OK, I can drink with you now!’ It was a good day.
“We hope the day will come when those who think Palestinians are occupying Israel will know the truth about who occupied whom and how they took our land and would not even share it and have two states. They want to take everything . . . this situation is impossible.”
As I prepare to leave Dr Osman says “Tell the truth; what you see, what you hear yourself about the Palestinian refugees everywhere and especially here in Lebanon because it is the most complicated situation. For instance I am a doctor, but I cannot open my own clinic in Lebanon. We are not asking too much, just to have the minimum of dignity and social and civil liberty. No-one is asking for Lebanese passports, we are ready to live as refugees until there is a just resolution, but we want to feel we are human beings, able to bring up our children without war, and without suffering what we suffered. They have the right to live like any other children in the world, peacefully, to have a good education and participate in building a good society.”
Moatas Dajani, the founder of Al Jana, is a self confessed book hoarder. The fruits of his lifetime love affair with archaeology and other passions line the walls of the room we meet in. He shows me one called Moshe Dayan’s Collection, featuring artefacts from antiquity. “So what makes them Moshe Dayan’s eh? Where did the Israeli General acquire them from?” It is a rhetorical question.
Dajani is a Palestinian who has Jordanian citizenship, but his life is spent networking amongst the organisations dedicated to helping Lebanon’s disadvantaged communities, through creative activities.
A fourth generation of Palestinian children is now coming to terms with the reality of being born with refugee status. They face a political and economic future far bleaker than that which confronted their forebears, and with considerably weakened social and cultural resources to sustain them. Anger, frustration and the question ‘Why me?’ is almost inevitable.
Each year, older community members, who have been repositories of folklore, transmitters of collective memory, and links to the Palestinian past, become fewer. Camp schools concentrate on basic education and are poorly resourced to teach Palestinian culture, history, and folklore – the things that help to build young refugees' sense of identity, and self-esteem. Al Jana’s conflict transformation program has been trying to address this since 1990.
Back at Bourj al Bourajneh I had seen evidence of these efforts and heard from Zaina about the short holidays it brokered. “The last was six weeks ago. We had 141 children and young people. We went to Faria, Jeita to the snow where there is the skiing and then we went to the fun fair, in Beirut. Although it’s only a short distance away in the heart of the city, camp children would never normally visit it. "
There are no gardens in Bourj al Bourajneh. Children of the camp are as much prisoners of its invisible walls as their parents says Zaina. “In the summer we take them to the river. Most of them like nature and whenever we go somewhere where it is green they love it. At the beginning of April we take them to the zoo, because we try to link our outdoor activities with something. We had a project showing them how to use the internet for research. Each child had to research an animal. At the zoo they saw the animal they had researched for real. Then we collected the research projects and made them into a book that will be kept in our library. Now children can learn directly from each others’ work.
“On our last trip we took parents and they enjoyed it as much as the children. The man at the fun fair joked that there should be a sign saying ‘Play Area For Mothers’ as well. Last summer we went to the beach, and a restaurant where they all sat down to eat and they were very, very happy. Without organisations like Al Jana these children would never do these things.”
Dajani believes that marginalised societies are very rich in terms of creative problem solving strategies and very culturally dynamic , even under siege. “There is no welfare state in Lebanon but we have a network of over 66 organisations working with children and youth and much of what we do is based around networking.
“We have four programmes; an active memory programme; an active learning and creative expression programme which uses the arts, like cinema, photography, film and music; since 2006 we have a conflict transformation programme and a youth media programme. So, primarily we are about producing learning materials based on cultural contributions.”
He shows me a project started in Bourj al Bourajneh and Shatila camps in 1998. It looked at issues that were of interest to the camps’ children and how they could express them through photography art, film-making and writing. “It was a four year process during which they made three internationally award-winning films and a publication that has been translated into four languages, which is all their own work - their photography, their art their reflections. It is called ‘I wish I were a bird’. The title is self-explanatory.
But Dajani is a pragmatist. What he – through Al Jana – has achieved is astounding; it even includes the founding of an international film festival. But it’s not without poignancy. One film is called ‘Neither here nor there’ – a touching record of how young Palestinians hoping to escape their prison found rejection in another country which also saw them as outsiders.
Olfat Mahmoud believes that the passage of years makes no difference. “The problem of return is not about time or having the space. Of course there is space for Palestinians to return - and not only to Gaza and the West Bank, but to all Palestine. Most people would accept at least acknowledgement of this right, but you can’t keep a people suffering and not knowing what to do just because you have not agreed how to solve the problem!”
Recently a Palestinian embassy opened in Beirut, but Mahmoud says it is too early to say whether it will make a difference to those in the camps. She believes the international community paid attention to the building of the Palestinian Constitution but forget about the refugees.
“As Palestinians we lack any structure or representation in the camps. We are fed up with our situation, but over the years the world has been distracted by so many other situations, in Bosnia, Iraq, and Afghanistan. Our case is older but it has been set aside.”
The Palestinian refugee situation should have been resolved decades ago. It is one the international community have shied away from repeatedly, engaging only on an ad hoc basis when spikes of military activity, and the ‘collateral damage’ that comes in their wake, make it impossible to look away.
ENDS
[1] “Palestinian refugee women in Lebanon: Conditions and Challenges in Bourj al Bourajneh Camp. A study by WHO, authored by Olfat Mahmoud 2009.